The Republican Party of Feminists

Clark's analysis of the conservative stance of political economy is consistent with Millett's line drawing. Conservatives feel that organisation should " sustain the natural order of union" (1991, p. 79), i.e., its hierarchical structure, functioning as a symbol of institutional order, tradition, and civic and family virtue bit protecting property rights. Neoconservatism, meanwhile, tacitly accepts the conservative view that hierarchically organized society is optimal by asserting that government should intervene in social organization to the degree it stack "cultivate civic virtue by nurturing traditional institutions such as the nuclear family, religion, and the local community" (Clark, 1991, p. 83). Neoconservative value allow for advocacy of government intervention in commercializes, however, when the market "unleashes individual desires for sensual gratification that conflict with respect for authority, the oeuvre ethic, and the sense of virtuous responsibility required for an orderly society" (Clark, 1991, p. 83).

The evidence of Republican caller dynamics in fresh years is that it is consistent with this perspective; accordingly, the values of patriarchy and traditional society are threatened by feminist thought. On many issue fronts, the Republica

The thin out comprised ten points amounting to a policy pledge of the Republican members of the crime syndicate of Representatives, in the form of projected legislation regarding social policy, levy policy, and welfare policy. Some of its provisions were enacted, and others were not; despite Gingrich's characterization of the document as unique, many of the points in the contract acquire been part of the legislative dialogue for years (Handler, 1995, pp. 110-11). The Contract is aimed at reducing the federal bureaucracy by turning brass instrument of (and funds for) federal programs over to the states; balancing the federal reckon; limiting welfare benefits; repealing taxes on capital gains on investments; transforming brotherly Security benefit structures; and transforming federal health-care benefit structures.

Gingrich's answer to what he sees as cultural degeneracy is to stop tolerating unconventional moral behavior, and MacKinnon's answer to what she sees as cultural degeneracy is to stop tolerating pornography. So far so good, but MacKinnon's definition of pornography is that it is "a practice of sex discrimination, a violation of women's civil rights, the glacial of sexual equality" (1987, p. 175). The impact of demeaning portrayal of women, MacKinnon says, moldiness outweigh any claims of eroticism that pornography consumers (= men) might have. This line of reasoning asserts that pornography is a special case and that women submit special treatment on account of it. The 1996 Republican Party platform, on the other hand, opposes "distortion" of anti-discrimination statutes and calls for "equal rights without quotas or other forms of preferential treatment" (Edsall, 1996, p. A1). The degree to which banning pornography is perceived as preferential treatment marks the degree to which MacKinnon's sword of feminism and Republican Party policy are unfriendly toward each other. Both MacKinnon and the Republican Party platform vowelize a vision of social engineering that could form
Order your essay at Orderessay and get a 100% original and high-quality custom paper within the required time frame.